Benjamin Franklins Job Printing
by Georgia B. Barnhill
[Georgia Barnhill has been at the American
Antiquarian Society for over twenty-five years. She is the author
of American Broadsides (Barre, Mass.: The Imprint Society,
1971) and co-author of Massachusetts Broadsides of the
American Revolution (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
Press, 1976). She has lectured on broadsides printed in Pennsylvania
and New York State and has written extensively on American prints
and book illustrations. In 1987 she was awarded the Maurice Rickards
Award from The Ephemera Society of America. This article originally
appeared in The Ephemera Journal, volume 8, 1998.]
Franklin was one of the most remarkable figures in colonial America.
His accomplishments were considerable even before he represented
the American colonies as an ambassador and diplomat in England and
France before and during the American Revolution. In 1723 he settled
in Philadelphia, where, through 1748, his major activities were
printing and publishing. The high regard he attained in that field
is suggested by Isaiah Thomass description of him as "well
known and highly celebrated."1
Franklin was born in Boston in 1706. His father wanted
his son to become a member of the clergy, but the expense for the
required education was too great, so Benjamin at the age of ten
joined his father in his business of tallow chandler and soap boiler.
Two years later he started to learn to print from his brother James
in Boston. James Franklin was trained in London and he printed with
some skill and ambition. For example, in the summer of 1721, he
established The New England Courant. Soon, James was forbidden
by the Massachusetts Assembly to publish the paper because of attacks
against the establishment, so the young Benjamin ran the newspaper
for eight months in 1723. That was a large responsibility for the
sixteen-year-old, but he successfully met the challenge. However,
after many quarrels, he left his brothers employ and moved
to Philadelphia in October 1723, where he remained for the rest
of his career.
As a young man, Franklin was a constant reader and worked
hard to improve himself. He obtained work from the printer Samuel
Keimer and attracted the notice of the colonial governor who sent
him to London to purchase printing equipment. This mission did not
work out as planned, so Franklin sought and found employment at
Palmers printing house, and then at John Wattss, where
he learned a great deal about the business and craft of printing,
including typography and design. In the summer of 1726, Franklin
met Thomas Denham, a Quaker merchant, who offered him a post as
clerk back in Philadelphia. That arrangement lasted only a few months
as both men fell ill, Denham fatally. Franklin then returned to
printing with his former master.
left Keimer when he started his own printing firm in 1728, in partnership
with Hugh Meredith. Because Philadelphias other two printers
had a substantial proportion of the citys printing business,
Franklin at the outset specialized in job printing, particularly
legal forms.2 In 1730 he terminated that partnership
and became the printer for the Pennsylvania Assembly, with a lucrative
contract that he retained throughout his printing career. With Hugh
Meredith, he became publisher of the Pennsylvania Gazette in
1729, and began his successful Poor Richards Almanack in
the fall of 1732. In 1748 he entered into a partnership with David
Hall that lasted until the end of January 1766. Although Franklins
name appears in the imprints during this period, he actually was
a silent partner, sharing in the profits, but not actively engaged
in the printing business except in an advisory capacity. From the
middle of 1757 through the middle of 1762, he was in England, and
he returned there at the end of 1764.
Franklins career as a printer was a successful one.
Fortunately, his brief period as a clerk in Denhams employ
taught him the importance of keeping financial records. His account
books and ledgers enable us today to learn about the amount and
variety of the job printing undertaken by him and his partner, David
Hall, in addition to work that they published at their own risk
for themselves. C. William Millers analysis of these ledgers,
in Benjamin Franklins Philadelphia Printing. 1728-1766,
forms the basis for his incomparable bibliographical study of
the Franklin and Hall imprints. Not only did Miller describe the
surviving imprints, but he gleaned much useful information from
the account books and listed entries from the accounts for which
there are no surviving copies. These records indicate the amount
of printing that has disappeared without a trace as well as the
important role that job printers played in the legal and business
life of the community. We should keep in mind, though, that probably
only jobs involving the extension of credit, rather than jobs paid
for in cash, were recorded, particularly in the years before David
Hall became a partner.
One can argue that the services of the job printer were
essential to the functioning of commerce and that printing job work
was equally essential to the survival of printers in colonial America.
One advantage of job printing is that the commissions were frequent
and they did not tie up large amounts of type or labor for long.
Staple products of the pressBibles, almanacs, school booksdid.
Therefore, few large works were issued during the colonial era.
In 1742 Franklin did publish the first novel in AmericaSamuel
Richardsons Pamela. It was not, however, followed by
a stream of novels. Publishing such works was an expensive and risky
venture, so that large-scale publications were generally published
by obtaining subscriptions in advance, a labor-intensive effort.
Franklins job printing records underscore these points. The
items he published provide a window onto the cultural and social
activities of Philadelphia during his printing career.4
Wroth estimates that for every surviving Franklin imprint from the
period 1760 to 1765, 3.7 have disappeared.5 Miller notes
that "in the interval between April 12 and May 27, 1754, Franklin
and Hall charged members of the visiting London Theatre Company,
on twelve different occasions, for a total of 4300 play bills and
almost 5000 tickets."6 Only two of the 4,300 theater
programs, but none of the tickets, are extantan incredible
rate of loss. In Millers bibliography, 163 out of 852 entries,
or almost twenty percent, describe examples of job printing that
resulted in single-sheet publications. Most of the 545 printing
jobs listed in Appendix A, items for which no copy has been located,
were likewise ephemeral or single-sheet items. Moreover, there were
many jobs executed for cash that were never recorded in the firms
journals and ledgers. Also, the records for the period 1748 to 1757
are not complete. Therefore, it is not possible to compile an accurate
listing of all of Franklins job printing. It was, however,
an important part of the firms business and one can assume
by analogy that it was important to other colonial printers.
The sheer variety of job printing listed in Millers
Appendix A is astounding. In 1730 Franklin printed cures for Dr.
Brewster; powers of attorney and bond forms for Joseph Breintnal;
administration bonds and other blanks for Dr. Samuel Bushill of
Burlington, New Jersey; tobacco papers for Nathaniel Edgecomb, Lawrence
Rice, and John Spence; 100 bonds of good behavior and 100 certificates
for Andrew Hamilton; Welsh Society tickets for Dr. Jones; certificates
for John Moore; advertisements for Thomas Peters and John Wilkinson;
forms for Nicholas Scull, deputy sheriff; and hungary bills
for John Spence. Seventeen jobs for twelve customers were recorded,
resulting in about 3,500 printed sheets. No copies of these are
recorded. The names of his customers reappear in following years,
suggesting that his customers were satisfied with the products of
his press and his prices.
The listing for printing jobs in 1742 was also fairly extensive.
He printed naval certificates, London Company officer commissions,
licenses for public houses and paddlers for Dr. Patrick Baird; advertisements
for Captain William Bell for the auction of a privateer; advertisements
for William Clymer Jr.; sheriffs warrants for Mr. Crosdale;
advertisements about Captain Spence for William Crosthwaite; soap
wrappers for his brother John in Boston; license bonds for James
Hamilton; hat bills for Charles Moore; bills and tickets for Evan
Morgan; election notices for William Parsons; advertisements about
chains across streets for the mayor of Philadelphia; advertisements
about runaway sailors for John Reynolds; hat bills for Joseph Stretch;
Irish Society tickets for Philip Syng and permits for Joseph Wharton.
The records for the years 1759 through 1765 listed many more
jobs for each succeeding year. In 1761, for example, forty-nine
jobs were recorded. There were a range of printed notices regarding,
to give some examples, a stray mare; the Temple of Arts; a runaway
slave; a mechanical display; and the sale of sturgeon, household
furniture, groceries, buildings, hardware, and hats. They printed
directions for using a watch, vestry notices, tickets for a Freemason
Lodge, blank forms for the British colonial government, receipts
and promissory notes for the Library Company, bills of lading, custom
house forms, writs of trespass and bonds for the sheriff, and various
kinds of certificates, bonds, and permits.
It seems clear that the products of Franklin and Halls
press played an important role in the commercial and legal aspects
of colonial Philadelphia and the surrounding region. About ninety-seven
percent of the 545 jobs listed in Millers Appendix are for
single-sheet items. They total thousands of pagesalmost none
of which has come to light in the twenty years since Millers
bibliography was printed. Surviving imprints suggest the care with
which these commissions were prepared. Most lack an imprint, but
Miller was able to attribute those items to the press by means of
surviving documentation in the account books and ledgers.
Franklin obtained the printing contract from the Province of
Pennsylvania in1729. This was an important source of income for
the young printer. It has been calculated that, from 1730
to 1750, he earned over 2,700 pounds in Pennsylvania currency from
fees as a clerk and for printing statutes and currency.7 In
order to bring his talents to the attention of the legislative body,
he and his partner Hugh Meredith reprinted an address from the General
Assembly to Patrick Gorden that had been printed in a "coarse
blundering manner" by Andrew Bradford, the official printer
for the Assembly. The difference between the original edition and
the reprinted one was evident, and the printing contract for the
following year was awarded to Franklin and Meredith.8 The
contract was an important one. It has been estimated that Franklin
and Hall earned about sixty percent of their income from their newspaper.
Another ten percent came from their government contract,
which included printing the laws of the colony as well as more ephemeral
pieces.9 Among the most common examples of official printing
were the proclamations that were issued by the governors and lieutenant
governors. The proclamation issued on 29 August 1738 relates to
the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary dispute. At the top of the broadside
is the coat of arms of the colony. The mortised initial blocks formalize
the appearance of the document, making it more authoritative. There
are not as many proclamations of this type in Pennsylvania as there
were in New England where Fast Day and Thanksgiving Day proclamations
appeared twice a year and were distributed to the ministers in each
town. The distribution of Pennsylvania proclamations may have been
different. In the text of one printing of a Pennsylvania act to
suppress cursing and swearing it was stated that copies were to
be sent to each constable in the province to post in "the most
Publick Place in their respective Wards and Districts."10
As these documents were exposed to the ravages of the weather
and vandalism, it is no wonder that so few of them survive.
In 1749 another similar proclamation was issued forbidding
the sale of liquor to native Americans. This document would have
needed wide circulation to be effective in the regions where settlers
and natives mingled. It was probably posted as well in Philadelphia
where the natives came to trade. The penalty for disregarding this
regulation was twenty pounds for each offense. It should be noted
that Franklin also printed similar official documents for the government
of neighboring New Jersey.
Although there seem to have been fewer routine proclamations
for Franklin to print compared to the experience of printers in
New England, there are some Thanksgiving Day proclamations extant.
One was issued in 1746 on the fourteenth of July to celebrate the
victory of the Duke of Cumberland at Culloden in Scotland over the
forces of the Pretender to the British throne. The text was also
printed in the 17 July 1746 issue of the Pennsylvania Gazette.
In addition to proclamations, there were many other government
jobs that Franklin executed. Mortgage bonds and warrants by attorney
were printed for the Pennsylvania General Loan Office and used by
inhabitants of the Province borrowing mortgage money from the General
Loan Office. Miller notes that "Franklin, and later Franklin
and Hall, along with other Philadelphia printers, must have done
numerous reprintings of the forms."11 Usually blank
forms bear no imprint. Miller attributed many items to Franklin
on the basis of type as well as according to the entries in the
journals and ledgers. A different mortgage bond was printed in 1730
for the loan office in Kent County, now part of Delaware. Yet another
blank form, a marriage surety bond, was printed for use in New Jersey.
The provinces of New York and New Jersey required surety bonds of
all couples seeking to marry. These meant that the spouses were
legally liable for the debts, or financial failures of one another.
Miller noted that in New Jersey, very few of these bonds were executed
on printed forms; most were manuscript documents.12
Notices issued by the proprietors were also issued as broadsides.
One printed in 1735 relates to debtors to the Land Office who were
in danger of losing their lands if payments were not received promptly.
Another important government commission was the printing
of paper currency. Franklin obtained contracts from the governments
of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey. These contracts ran for
years, so that in Pennsylvania Franklin printed all the currency
from 1729 through 1764, in Delaware from 1734 to 1760, and in New
Jersey from 1728 to 1746. He learned about engraving from his brother
James in Boston who engraved relief cuts for several imprints including
Hugh Peters A Dying Fathers Last Legacy, published
in 1717. Franklin undoubtedly learned more about the craft while
in London. He developed a new means of ornamenting the pieces of
currency with a technique known as leaf printing (fig. 1). The verso
of each bill was ornamented by a casting of leaves to prevent counterfeiting.
This was an innovative response to a perennial problem. The technique
was not well known at the time, although the Philadelphia naturalist
Joseph Breintnall made contact nature prints from leaves about 1730.
For use on currency the technique is as follows. A piece
of wet, textured fabric is placed on a bed of smooth plaster. Next
a leaf is placed upon the cloth. The two are pressed together and
the plaster is allowed to harden. To make a plaster negative of
the leaf cast, the plaster was oiled and more plaster was applied.
The negative became the mold for the melted type metal which made
the cut that could be printed typographically. The molds were used
over and over again.13 David Hall Jr. and his partner
used the same technique for the printing of Continental Currency
in the 1770s. The currency business was a steady one. In Pennsylvania
there were seventeen emissions of currency that Franklin and Franklin
and Hall printed.
In 1735 the Pennsylvania government proposed the sale of
100,000 acres of land through a lottery. Franklin was paid two pounds,
six shillings, and eight pence for printing 1,000 copies of this
notice and an additional twelve pounds for 7,750 tickets. Like so
many of the pieces of job printing issuing from his office, these
items lack an imprint, but were recorded in his ledgers. Although
no tickets remain for this lottery there is one for a lottery for
the Conestogoe Bridge, printed in 1761.
Franklins output included the publication of the
Pennsylvania Gazette from 2 October 1729 through 30 January
1766. After the imposition of the Stamp Act, he and David Hall suspended
publication from 1 November through 26 December 1766. To escape
the tax imposed on newspapers, Franklin and Hall issued several
broadsides, printing such news as they saw fit. "No Stamped
Paper to be had" is one of the sheets issued in lieu of the
Franklin printed other topical news sheets apart from the
newspaper. Examples include A Letter to B. G. from One of the
Members of the New-Jersey Assembly, printed in 1739. The document
is a response to Governor Lewis Morriss address proroguing
the first assembly of New Jersey. Like so many political tracts,
it was anonymously written and bears no imprint. Another document,
issued in 1741, is an account actually written before the anticipated
attack on Cartagena, where the combined British and colonial forces
were defeated in a little known battle related to the War of Austrian
Secession. Another broadside issued in 1741 by Franklin is "The
Dying Speech of John Ury" which focuses on an event taking
place in New York. This broadside reprints a statement of repentance
of a man convicted and executed for having been involved in a conspiracy
in which he was alleged to have been a Roman Catholic priest promoting
an uprising by slaves in New York. The slaves were to have murdered
their masters and set fire to the city. The genre of confessional
broadsides is rare in Pennsylvania; it is far more common in Massachusetts.
John Dickinson commissioned the firm to print a statement
advising Pennsylvanians to ignore the Stamp Act in December 1765.
He paid three pounds fifty for 2,000 copies. It was clearly circulated
widely and was reprinted in at least two newspapers in other colonies.14
One of the earliest items that Franklin printed was a piece
of broadside verse. It should not be too surprising that he also
printed carriers addresses, probably annually, for most of
his printing career. The custom began in England, but quickly became
popular in colonial Philadelphia, where the first one, written by
Aquila Rose, compositor of The American Weekly Mercury, was
printed in 1720. Although most carriers addresses relate the
important news of the previous year, the one issued for New Years
Day in 1739 (fig. 2) is an amusing piece on the spreading of news,
gossip, and slander. The concluding lines praise the newspaper editor:
"If Home-Occurrences, that are well known, / And which
concern but Few, are let alone, / The Printer sure deserves no Blame
for this, / While in the foreign News hes not remiss;
/ And what important ever happens here / He carefully collects,
and renders dear." The ornament incorporates symbols and names
of the four seasons, the signs of the zodiac, and the sun. Oddly,
except for the carriers addresses, the firm left few other
printed verses, at least that are known.
Much of the income of newspaper printers and publishers
was derived from advertisements in the newspapers. The same printers
also issued advertisements as part of their services
to the local community. Advertisements were issued separately because
of space constraints in the pages of the newspapers and because
the newspapers were issued weekly, not daily, during
the colonial era.
One advertisement, printed by Franklin in 1731
for Thomas Gray, noted the upcoming auction of the home
and lands belonging to the estate of John Henry in
New Castle. By the time that Franklin had printed
this item, one of the earliest of his career, he noted that he already
printed more than a thousand of this type.15 Separately
published advertisements were easily circulated and posted to reach
the widest audience. Advertisements can reveal a great deal about
contemporary life. The advertisement issued by George Harrison in
1746 notes that he was trained in England as a surveyor and draftsman
as well as a maker of marble objects for the home or to be used
as tombstones or monuments. He suggested that he would be available
to design and supervise the building of houses and other structures.
Did he ever receive any commissions? A check of George Tatums
Penns Great Town and the Biographical Dictionary
of Philadelphia Architects: 1700-1930 fails to turn up his name.16
This broadside suggests that this George Harrison should have left
some other record of his existence. Such is not the case.
Details about amusements can be gleaned from some advertisements,
such as the one for "The Solar or Camera Obscura Microscope"
and a musical clock designed by David Lockwood. These mechanical
wonders were displayed alongside paintings at the home of a Mr.
Vidale in 1744. The "Microcosm of London" was advertised
in 1755 by Henry Bridges in an advertisement printed by Franklin
that is no longer extant. This object is another large musical clock
that is preserved in the British Museum. It traveled around the
colonies and was displayed in other cities. A broadside advertising
its display in Boston in May 1756 is in the collection of the American
An important aspect of the business during the partnership
period was the selling of imported books. David Hall issued several
long lists of books. They are not particularly handsome imprints
or even readable, but they are important as documents of Halls
business and as evidence of books available to the public.
The list of Franklins imprints is greatly enlarged
by the number of blank legal forms. They range from indentures for
apprentices, to bonds and other items. The indentures, such as one
for an apprenticeship, bear striking titles, probably cast from
type metal. Just in the years 1730 to 1735, he printed a total of
16,800 blank forms for his customers at a total price of 112 pounds.
This total number does not include the number that the printer created
for himself to sell in his stationers shop.17 The
imprint on forms sold by Franklin, "Philadelphia: Printed and
Sold at the New Printing-Office near the Market: Where are Sold
all Sorts of Blanks," notes that the printing office was conveniently
located near the center of commerce and business.
The Linen Manufactory was established to employ the poor
of the city. Investors assumed that it would be profitable because
of the enactment of the Sugar Acts which increased the price of
imported linen. Franklin was among the promoters, so it is not surprising
that he printed forms for the company. An additional 100 forms were
printed in 1766.18
Franklin, of course, was instrumental in establishing several
organizations in Philadelphia, including the Library Company of
Philadelphia. His entrepreneurial spirit was strong, and he printed
ephemera for the fledgling institution, including meeting notices,
promissory and deposit notes, book labels, and receipts for membership
payments. He also printed the early catalogs for the library. One
subscription receipt was issued in 1731, the year that the Library
Company was founded. He occasionally printed bookplates for individuals,
including Alexander Stedman, who ordered two hundred of these labels
for his private library (fig. 3). The cost was a mere seven shillings,
Franklin was also instrumental in the establishment
of the Union Fire-Company of Philadelphia in 1737. He printed the
Articles of the Union Fire-Company in 1743. In 1749 and 1752,
he printed lists of members. Franklin served as recording secretary
so it is no wonder he was the printer. He also printed for the Star
Fire Company the same year.
Another organization that he helped to establish was the
American Philosophical Society. He printed the proposals for it
in 1743, and Miller attributes the writing of the piece to Franklin.
Likewise, he printed the agreement founding the Association for
Defense. Colonial inhabitants of Philadelphia felt a need to band
together in 1747 for defense because "the Assemblies of this
Province, by reason of the religious Principles, have not done,
nor are likely to do any Thing for our Defence [sic]." This
organization founded a militia to provide security because Great
Britain was at war with France in Europe and would not be able to
provide any security for Pennsylvania against Spanish and French
privateers. There were 500 copies ready for distribution at a public
meeting held on 24 November 1747. Eventually 10,000 men joined.
The organization was disbanded in 1749 after the Treaty of Aix-La-Chapelle.
Franklin and Hall also printed documents for the Pennsylvania
Hospital in 1751, including a promissory note and a certificate
given to contributors. Also in 1751, there was a lottery held on
behalf of The Academy for the Education of Youth, which eventually
became the University of Pennsylvania. No surviving tickets are
recorded, but again they are attributed to Franklin because he was
a founder of the school, chairman of the trustees, and a manager
of the lottery. Several lottery tickets, however, survive from the
Conestogoe Bridge Lottery. The scheme was advertised in the Pennsylvania
Gazette on 10 December 1761. The firm printed 14,000 tickets
for twenty-one pounds. The bridge was to be erected over the Conestogoe
Creek on the Philadelphia-Lancaster Turnpike.
Among the rarest printed items to survive from the middle
years of the eighteenth century are sheet almanacs. Enough of them
are extant to suggest that many were printed, but they are rare
indeed. In 1730 and 1731, Franklin printed sheet almanacs compiled
by Thomas Godfrey. No copies are extant, but in 1731 Franklin sent
one hundred copies each to his former journeyman printer Timothy
Whitemarsh in Charleston and to his brother James in Newport, Rhode
Island. In the fall of 1732, Godfrey decided to compile his almanacs
for one of Franklins competitors, Andrew Bradford. The loss
of the almanac business led Franklin to begin the extremely successful
Poor Richard series.20 Franklin and Hall printed
The Barbados Almanack late in 1751, presumably for export
to the island in the Caribbean. One extant copy was probably retained
in Philadelphia. It is interesting to note that the governors
name has been crossed out and replaced by Mr. Harrisons, possibly
James Harrison, the former lieutenant governor in Pennsylvania.
Other changes in the names of the justices are at the foot of the
page. The compiler, Theodore Grew, was a mathematician and teacher
at the newly established Philadelphia Academy. He had compiled almanacs
from the 1730s on.
Franklin derived about eight hundred pounds a year from
the business after his retirement in 1748. His income, however,
was not entirely dependent upon his printing. Early in his career,
in 1733, he started to manufacture printers ink, and he sold
it widely, as far north as Boston. In 1734 he started a business
collecting rags that he could sell to papermakers or exchange for
paper. He consigned some 75,000 pounds of rags to papermakers from
1735 to 1741.21 He was careful to provide printed material
that was paid for directly by customers or that would have a ready
market. Like his colonial peers, he knew better than to speculate
on the printing of substantial works of science or letters. Wroth
wrote that "he and they realized, probably, that, except within
certain narrow categories, there was little sale for the book published
with an American imprint. The imported book was the thing. Inventories
of colonial libraries, north and south, are heavy with titles
of British production; rarely does an American-printed work
appear upon them."22 Franklin published works
of utility for the residents of Philadelphia and beyond.
Currency, book labels, theater and lottery tickets,
receipts, advertisements, and the legal and commercially necessary
blank forms helped make society run smoothly and in an orderly
fashion. Franklin met the needs of the people through his
printing press just as he did through the establishment of
libraries, fire companies, and learned societies.
1. Isaiah Thomas, The History
of Printing in America, Marcus A. McCorison, ed. (Barre,
Mass.: The Imprint Society, 1970), 110.
2. C. William Miller,
Benjamin Franklins Philadelphia Printing, 1728-1766.
(Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974),
3. George Simpson Eddy, "A Work-Book
of the Printing House of Benjamin Franklin and David
Hall 1759-1766" (New York: New York Public Library,
4. Peter J. Parker, in "The Philadelphia
Printer: A Study of an Eighteenth-Century Businessman" (Business
History Review 40 : 24-46), provides an excellent overview
of some of these points.
5. Lawrence C. Wroth, The Colonial Printer
(Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1964), 216.
6. Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
7. Lawrence C. Wroth, Benjamin Franklin:
Printer At Work (New York: [Privately Printed], 1974),
8. Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
9. Stephen Botein, "Meer Mechanics
and an Open Press: The Business and Political Strategies of
Colonial American Printers," Perspectives in American
History 9(1975): 143.
10. An Act for the more
effectual Suppressing profane Cursing and Swearing (Philadelphia:
B. Franklin, 1746). See Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
Printing, 208. No copy of this broadside is extant;
it is known by a notice about it in the Pennsylvania Gazette,
3 April 1746.
11.Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
12. Ibid., 54.
13. Eric P. Newman, "Newly Discovered
Franklin Invention: Nature Printing on Colonial and
Continental Currency," The Numismatist (1964),
14. Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
15. Ibid., 18.
16. George B. Tatum, Penns
Great Town (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania
Press, 1961); and Sandra L. Tatman and Roger W.
Moss, Biographical Dictionary of Philadelphia Architects:
1700-1930 (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1985).
17. Wroth, The Colonial Printer, 225.
18. Miller, Franklins Philadelphia
19. Ibid., 417.
20. John T. Winterich, Early
American Books & Printing (New York: Dover, 1981;
reprint, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1935), 84.
21.Wroth, Benjamin Franklin Printer
At Work, 40-44.
22. Ibid., 52-53.